The QAnon conspiracy theory, which claims that former President Donald Trump is leading a secret battle against a cabal of child-eating Democrats, has cemented itself in Republican politics.
While not always mentioned by name, QAnon’s core tenets are regularly repeated not only by members of Congress but by Trump himself. If its influence continues to grow, a QAnon caucus within the party could lead to an increase in vengeful rhetoric, outlandish conspiracy theories, and the destruction of democratic institutions.
And it might come as soon as this week.
Despite those beliefs inspiring an increasing number of violent incidents, whether the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021 or the recent brutal attack on House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s (D-Calif.) husband with a hammer, QAnon’s biggest cheerleaders continue to forge forward undeterred.
Even with attempts from mainline Republicans to refute the party’s image as centered around QAnon, Trump’s continual nods to the conspiracy theory on his social media website Truth Social helped keep the movement alive and central to Republican policy.
Now, with the midterm elections approaching, Republicans, and in turn the party’s unofficial QAnon caucus, could soon be poised to take control of the House of Representatives. Such a turn of events would give the conspiratorial worldview even more power within the legislative branch.
Currently, at least 22 QAnon-linked candidates are running for Congress and statewide office. At least 18 of those candidates will be eyeing a congressional seat, a statistic that highlights the ever-growing presence of conspiratorial thinking among the American populace.
But what would the agenda of a QAnon caucus look like? The platforms of both current and hopeful Republican representatives provide plenty of insight.
Notable figures such as Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.) and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), who have attempted to distance themselves from the conspiracy theory despite regularly promoting its claims, are seen by many loyalists as de facto leaders in the QAnon movement.
Proposed legislation from the pair provides what is likely the clearest indication of the movement’s direction: Mainly, seeking revenge on their perceived enemies. At its heart, QAnon is nothing more than a revenge fantasy. The mythical “Storm,” the day when QAnon followers believe Trump will seek vengeance on his enemies, is the pinnacle of the conspiracy theory’s lore.
Legislation sponsored or cosponsored by Greene, for example, shows bills aimed at retaliating against Director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) Anthony Fauci as well as President Joe Biden. While no political figure is above critique, attempts to oust both individuals are rooted heavily in conspiratorial beliefs.
Introduced in April of last year, the Fire Fauci Act aims to reduce “the annual rate of pay of the Director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) to $0.”
Although the legislation has been neutered not only by its inability to gain widespread support but by Fauci’s plans to retire from government in December, attempts to bring down Fauci stem almost entirely from the endless conspiracy theories surrounding the pandemic and the COVID-19 vaccine. Followers of QAnon have expressed views ranging from the belief that the COVID-19 virus is nothing more than a hoax to a purposely-released bioweapon designed to usher in global government. They also express deep, unfounded fears about vaccines, believing it too is a government conspiracy.
Greene’s amplification of such conspiracy theories were so rampant that Twitter ultimately decided to permanently suspend her personal account in January for repeated violations, which included the spread of the false claim that “extremely high amounts of covid vaccine deaths” had taken place.
Fauci has repeatedly had to appear in front of Congress to answer questions on COVID conspiracy theories and could see further such demands with a Republican-led House of Representatives who could set the agenda of such appearances.
Greene also introduced in September legislation to impeach Biden “for endangering, compromising, and undermining the energy security of the United States by selling oil from the United States’ Strategic Petroleum Reserve to foreign nations.”
Ironically, Trump engaged in the very same actions regarding the sale of oil during his presidency. The bill, which is just one of more than a dozen impeachment resolutions introduced by Republicans, suggests that Greene’s proposal is rooted more in revenge for Trump’s two impeachments than anything else.
Many of the conspiracy theories targeting Biden do not even directly involve the president himself. The personal life of the president’s son Hunter Biden has also become a focal point, with Republicans suggesting that Hunter’s apparent drug abuse issues are somehow tied to a need for Biden’s removal. Greene’s legislation for impeaching the president even mentions Hunter when it accuses Biden of “allowing his son… to influence the domestic policy of a foreign nation.”
Boebert also co-sponsored legislation that was seemingly aimed at giving a wink and a nod to the topic earlier this year. Her legislation was named the “Halting the Use of Narcotics Through Effective Recovery Act of 2022 or the HUNTER Act of 2022.”
Boebert, meanwhile has focused largely on the conservative grooming panic as well as issues related to the transgender community. Just last month, Boebert introduced legislation that in part attempts to ban books surrounding sexual education from certain schools. Another bill from last year also attempts to bar children from accessing what Boebert describes as “harmful research,” her terminology for gender-affirming care.
The uproar, fueled by conspiracy theorists, has led to numerous legislative actions across the country, including a ban on certain gender-confirming treatments in states such as Tennessee and Arkansas.
In power, it’s no doubt that Greene and Boebert, alongside any other new Q fan elected to Congress, would push virulently anti-trans legislation and hold a number of hearings about “groomer” teachers.
Aside from Greene and Boebert, up-and-coming QAnon-linked candidates could also fuel the movement’s unquenching desire for revenge. Rep. Mayra Flores (R-Texas), who won her primary in a new district for the general election, has repeatedly claimed that the Capitol riot was staged by infiltrators and has shared QAnon hashtags on social media.
In response to questions about her support of the conspiracy theory, Flores later denied to local reporters that she had ever supported QAnon: “I’ve always been against any of that. I’ve never been supportive of it.”
A Republican majority House could also see the investigation into the Capitol riot bombarded with conspiratorial showmanship. Instead of focusing on the attack, conservatives would almost certainly shift attention to the alleged mistreatment of detained rioters and shift blame away from Trump and his supporters. Individuals such as Ray Epps, the protester who never even entered the Capitol but was nevertheless accused by conservatives of instigating the entire riot, would likely be made to testify as well. Anyone suspected of being antifa, which conservatives have also accused of fomenting the attack, could be in the GOP congressional crosshairs.
Like Flores, Ohio Republican congressional candidate J.R. Majewski has likewise attempted to deny his previous support for QAnon. Although Majewski said just last year that he believes “in everything that’s been put out from Q,” the Republican later claimed that he had never consumed QAnon content.
Majewski’s platform includes a focus on “election integrity,” a nod to the belief that the last presidential election was rigged despite Trump’s own leading officials stating otherwise.
But at the end of the day, a candidate’s or elected official’s support of QAnon by name matters less and less. The movement is no longer attached at the hip to the mysterious trolling message board 4chan where it first began. The ideas espoused by QAnon and its most ardent adherents are now mainstream among conservative Americans both in and out of public office.
While the future of the movement is unknown, the rhetoric aimed at QAnon’s villains will soon be bellowed by the party leading Congress.
